One of
the ways the political right beats the left is by being more
effective at choosing the battleground of debate – by getting
others to adopt their definition of what the debate is actually
about.
When
it comes to Medicare, unless the ALP, Greens and other centerists
claim back the language, their defeat is inevitable: it may come in
this budget (I hope not – I hope the ALP finds its courage down the
back of the lounge), or in ten years, but it will come.
Here are a few articles written by relatively well-heeled journalists
on all sides of the political spectrum.
“Joe Hockey's GST Ploy Jeopardises Safety Net” - Sydney
Morning Herald
“Tony Abbot's Trust Deficit” – The Guardian
“Joe Hockey's Federal Budget Prediction: Lower Growth, MoreUnemployment” – Sydney Morning Herald
“Joe's Plan Makes Us Hostage to Fortune” – The
Australian
“Australians Slugged $7 for Doctor Visits” – The
Courier Mail
What
these articles all have in common is that they cheerfully describe
Medicare as a safety net – and many, many on the left also do so
when they're defending it.
My
cluestick: “universal” and “safety net” aren't the
same thing.
“Safety
net” means “we reserve a minimum and usually inadequate standard
of care for the poor”.
“Universal”
means “everybody”.
Two
things happen when “universal” is ghettoed into “safety net”:
- The definition of what should actually exist inside the safety net is in the gift of the powerful.
- Because of (1), people will be marginalised.
The
marginalisation won't, however, be the careless marginalisation that
happens when lawyers define the mission of a charity (I've written
about this here). It'll be a matter of deliberate policy: the government will
pick winners and demonise losers as an exercise of power.
It's
already on the agenda. If you don't believe me, read through the
Commission of Audit report. It's all about picking winners and
demonising losers.
There's
another point to be made: narrowing what Medicare actually offers is
also deliberately destructive: “this service is accessed by too few
people, and is becoming expensive to deliver, so we are going to pass
it over to the private sector”. The previous blog post I linked
above provides an example of this in action.
By
reducing the mission of Medicare, you reduce its efficiency and
effectiveness at the edges. The edges get trimmed away – only to
reveal the next edge, the next target. This isn't accident, it's
strategy, with its aim being the dismantling of the public healthcare
system.
Characterising
Medicare as a “safety net” is an exercise in propaganda. It
redefines the mission of Medicare in a way that is exclusively to the
benefit of the radical right, because “safety net” and
“universality” are exclusive. The same goes for things education,
unemployment support, pensions and disability services.
Mainstream
journalists – who approach the medicare debate from a standpoint of
being well-paid and well-insured – adopt the language of “safety
net” because they lack personal experience at the margins.
Politicians of the right do so out of strategy; and politicians of
the left do so because they feel powerless to drag the debate back
onto their own battleground.
Often,
battles of language are trivial, but the confinement of social rights
into the “safety net” ghetto is an important battle that has to
be fought, or the left will lose.
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